icubud: (Problems_by_ThisLatestPlague)

Obama camp tips hand on debate, hints President will attack Romney on Bain.

Really? You want to go there?

May I suggest….

Mr. Romney in response to the president, “In preparation for the debate I was trying to research your private sector experience president and realized you had NONE which could explain why our economy is where it is today.”

(Bowing) Your welcome :O)

icubud: (Reagan is calling on you)
Romney made an awesome speech yesterday at VMI. I am including the text of the speech in this post because I want to make sure I have it secured for the future. In it we hear and see the Exceptionalism of the USA. In it is the conviction of Ronald Reagan and all of the best hopes, values and interests of our country. O has had four years to speak and act in such a way that a speech like this by Romney would not be “new” or needed. He didn’t and hasn’t because he does not believe in the exceptionalism of our nation and he is not a leader.

speech


icubud: (iron man)
Post 178 - racism and the coming election

Chiming in

Sep. 29th, 2012 10:42 am
icubud: (Default)
Read Krauthammer's most recent article yesterday. 

I am deciding to chime in about the election.


Chiming in

Sep. 29th, 2012 10:42 am
icubud: (Default)
Read Krauthammer's most recent article yesterday. 

I am deciding to chime in about the election.


icubud: (iron man)
Interesting informative article on Ryan.
I am quite pleased with Romney's selection.

Excerpts:

Ryan, the seven-term representative from Wisconsin’s 1st Congressional District, speaks quickly, as if the coming collapse might happen in the middle of his remarks if he takes too much time. It’s a bracing message. He is saying, in effect, that the American experiment, our 236 extraordinary years of self-government, is on the verge of failure.

And yet Ryan is smiling. It’s not the phony grin of a politician seeking votes, or the half-smirk of a charlatan putting one over on a group of rubes. It’s a real smile—the eager smile of someone excited to share important news. Paul Ryan believes he has the solution to these problems. And after a long and often lonely fight to convince his fellow Republicans that they should be talking about these issues, Ryan is succeeding. 

Brownback says that Ryan is just not a political guy. “It’s all policy to him,” Brownback says. “People don’t appreciate just how much of a policy guy Ryan is and how little of a politician he is.” 

“America faces a choice between two fiscal and economic futures,” Ryan wrote in the introduction. 

In one, the Federal Government attempts to satisfy the multiple needs of a changing population, in a rapidly changing world, with outdated policies that demand ever-rising levels of public spending. The effort overwhelms the government’s capacities, and smothers the economy under crushing burdens of debt and high taxes. It is a future in which America’s best century is the past century. 

   The second future calls for a transformation—or more accurately, a restoration of the principles that created America’s freedom and prosperity. It is the path set out in a plan I have developed called A Roadmap for America’s Future.Ryan has already achieved one objective he’d set for himself when he decided to remain in Congress and work on entitlement reform. “My goal was to move the center of gravity in the Republican party on these issues.”

It seemed naïve, maybe impossible before he started. His next goal could be characterized the same way. “There’s no way you can actually save this country from a debt crisis, and save the American idea, if you don’t do the kinds of things we’re proposing,” Ryan says. “We’ll see how it ends.”

Whole article here

icubud: (iron man)
Interesting informative article on Ryan.
I am quite pleased with Romney's selection.

Excerpts:

Ryan, the seven-term representative from Wisconsin’s 1st Congressional District, speaks quickly, as if the coming collapse might happen in the middle of his remarks if he takes too much time. It’s a bracing message. He is saying, in effect, that the American experiment, our 236 extraordinary years of self-government, is on the verge of failure.

And yet Ryan is smiling. It’s not the phony grin of a politician seeking votes, or the half-smirk of a charlatan putting one over on a group of rubes. It’s a real smile—the eager smile of someone excited to share important news. Paul Ryan believes he has the solution to these problems. And after a long and often lonely fight to convince his fellow Republicans that they should be talking about these issues, Ryan is succeeding. 

Brownback says that Ryan is just not a political guy. “It’s all policy to him,” Brownback says. “People don’t appreciate just how much of a policy guy Ryan is and how little of a politician he is.” 

“America faces a choice between two fiscal and economic futures,” Ryan wrote in the introduction. 

In one, the Federal Government attempts to satisfy the multiple needs of a changing population, in a rapidly changing world, with outdated policies that demand ever-rising levels of public spending. The effort overwhelms the government’s capacities, and smothers the economy under crushing burdens of debt and high taxes. It is a future in which America’s best century is the past century. 

   The second future calls for a transformation—or more accurately, a restoration of the principles that created America’s freedom and prosperity. It is the path set out in a plan I have developed called A Roadmap for America’s Future.Ryan has already achieved one objective he’d set for himself when he decided to remain in Congress and work on entitlement reform. “My goal was to move the center of gravity in the Republican party on these issues.”

It seemed naïve, maybe impossible before he started. His next goal could be characterized the same way. “There’s no way you can actually save this country from a debt crisis, and save the American idea, if you don’t do the kinds of things we’re proposing,” Ryan says. “We’ll see how it ends.”

Whole article here

Santorum

Feb. 21st, 2012 06:56 pm
icubud: (Default)
Saw on Drudge Report the so-called "big story" of Santorum referring to Satan and his attacking on the USA.
I don't really know Santorum, from what I understand he is a pretty devout Catholic. I also understand in the scheme of things he is considered conservative.
I did not have in problems with his comments as reported on Drudge Report.
I am also not a fan of Rush Limbaugh but again the man has a great look at the comments.

Santorum

Feb. 21st, 2012 06:56 pm
icubud: (Default)
Saw on Drudge Report the so-called "big story" of Santorum referring to Satan and his attacking on the USA.
I don't really know Santorum, from what I understand he is a pretty devout Catholic. I also understand in the scheme of things he is considered conservative.
I did not have in problems with his comments as reported on Drudge Report.
I am also not a fan of Rush Limbaugh but again the man has a great look at the comments.
icubud: (Default)
What follows was written by Mitt Romney and published in the WSJ Thursday 2/16, page A13.


Should the 21st century be an American century? To answer, it is only necessary to contemplate the
alternatives.
One much bruited these days is that of a Chinese century. With China's billion‐plus population, its 10%
annual average growth rates, and its burgeoning military power, a China that comes to dominate Asia
and much of the globe is increasingly becoming thinkable. The character of the Chinese government ‐‐
one that marries aspects of the free market with suppression of political and personal freedom ‐‐ would
become a widespread and disquieting norm.
But the dawn of a Chinese century ‐‐ and the end of an American one ‐‐ is not inevitable. America
possesses inherent strengths that grant us a competitive advantage over China and the rest of the
world. We must, however, restore those strengths.
That means shoring up our fiscal and economic standing, rebuilding our military, and renewing faith in
our values. We must apply these strengths in our policy toward China to make its path to regional
hegemony far more costly than the alternative path of becoming a responsible partner in the
international system.
Barack Obama is moving in precisely the wrong direction. The shining accomplishment of the meetings
in Washington this week with Xi Jinping ‐‐ China's vice president and likely future leader ‐‐ was empty
pomp and ceremony.
President Obama came into office as a near supplicant to Beijing, almost begging it to continue buying
American debt so as to finance his profligate spending here at home. His administration demurred from
raising issues of human rights for fear it would compromise agreement on the global economic crisis or
even "the global climate‐change crisis." Such weakness has only encouraged Chinese assertiveness and
made our allies question our staying power in East Asia.
Now, three years into his term, the president has belatedly responded with a much‐ballyhooed "pivot"
to Asia, a phrase that may prove to be as gimmicky and vacuous as his "reset" with Russia. The supposed
pivot has been oversold and carries with it an unintended consequence: It has left our allies with the
worrying impression that we left the region and might do so again.
The pivot is also vastly under‐resourced. Despite his big talk about bolstering our military position in
Asia, President Obama's actions will inevitably weaken it. He plans to cut back on naval shipbuilding,
shrink our Air Force, and slash our ground forces. Because of his policies and failed leadership, our
military is facing nearly $1 trillion in cuts over the next decade.
We must change course.
In the economic arena, we must directly counter abusive Chinese practices in the areas of trade,
intellectual property, and currency valuation. While I am prepared to work with Chinese leaders to
ensure that our countries both benefit from trade, I will not continue an economic relationship that
rewards China's cheating and penalizes American companies and workers.
Unless China changes its ways, on day one of my presidency I will designate it a currency manipulator
and take appropriate counteraction. A trade war with China is the last thing I want, but I cannot tolerate
our current trade surrender.
We must also maintain military forces commensurate to the long‐term challenge posed by China's buildup.
For more than a decade now we have witnessed double‐digit increases in China's officially reported
military spending. And even that does not capture the full extent of its spending on defense. Nor do the
gross numbers tell us anything about the most troubling aspects of China's strategy, which is designed to
exert pressure on China's neighbors and blunt the ability of the United States to project power into the
Pacific and keep the peace from which China itself has benefited.
To preserve our military presence in Asia, I am determined to reverse the Obama administration's
defense cuts and maintain a strong military presence in the Pacific. This is not an invitation to conflict.
Instead, this policy is a guarantee that the region remains open for cooperative trade, and that
economic opportunity and democratic freedom continue to flourish across East Asia.
We must also forthrightly confront the fact that the Chinese government continues to deny its people
basic political freedoms and human rights. If the U.S. fails to support dissidents out of fear of offending
the Chinese government, if we fail to speak out against the barbaric practices entailed by China's
compulsory one‐child policy, we will merely embolden China's leaders at the expense of greater liberty.
A nation that represses its own people cannot ultimately be a trusted partner in an international system
based on economic and political freedom. While it is obvious that any lasting democratic reform in China
cannot be imposed from the outside, it is equally obvious that the Chinese people currently do not yet
enjoy the requisite civil and political rights to turn internal dissent into effective reform.
I will never flinch from ensuring that our country is secure. And security in the Pacific means a world in
which our economic and military power is second to none. It also means a world in which American
values ‐‐ the values of liberty and opportunity ‐‐ continue to prevail over those of oppression and
authoritarianism.
The sum total of my approach will ensure that this is an American, not a Chinese century. We have much
to gain from close relations with a China that is prosperous and free. But we should not fail to recognize
that a China that is a prosperous tyranny will increasingly pose problems for us, for its neighbors, and for
the entire world.
icubud: (Default)
What follows was written by Mitt Romney and published in the WSJ Thursday 2/16, page A13.


Should the 21st century be an American century? To answer, it is only necessary to contemplate the
alternatives.
One much bruited these days is that of a Chinese century. With China's billion‐plus population, its 10%
annual average growth rates, and its burgeoning military power, a China that comes to dominate Asia
and much of the globe is increasingly becoming thinkable. The character of the Chinese government ‐‐
one that marries aspects of the free market with suppression of political and personal freedom ‐‐ would
become a widespread and disquieting norm.
But the dawn of a Chinese century ‐‐ and the end of an American one ‐‐ is not inevitable. America
possesses inherent strengths that grant us a competitive advantage over China and the rest of the
world. We must, however, restore those strengths.
That means shoring up our fiscal and economic standing, rebuilding our military, and renewing faith in
our values. We must apply these strengths in our policy toward China to make its path to regional
hegemony far more costly than the alternative path of becoming a responsible partner in the
international system.
Barack Obama is moving in precisely the wrong direction. The shining accomplishment of the meetings
in Washington this week with Xi Jinping ‐‐ China's vice president and likely future leader ‐‐ was empty
pomp and ceremony.
President Obama came into office as a near supplicant to Beijing, almost begging it to continue buying
American debt so as to finance his profligate spending here at home. His administration demurred from
raising issues of human rights for fear it would compromise agreement on the global economic crisis or
even "the global climate‐change crisis." Such weakness has only encouraged Chinese assertiveness and
made our allies question our staying power in East Asia.
Now, three years into his term, the president has belatedly responded with a much‐ballyhooed "pivot"
to Asia, a phrase that may prove to be as gimmicky and vacuous as his "reset" with Russia. The supposed
pivot has been oversold and carries with it an unintended consequence: It has left our allies with the
worrying impression that we left the region and might do so again.
The pivot is also vastly under‐resourced. Despite his big talk about bolstering our military position in
Asia, President Obama's actions will inevitably weaken it. He plans to cut back on naval shipbuilding,
shrink our Air Force, and slash our ground forces. Because of his policies and failed leadership, our
military is facing nearly $1 trillion in cuts over the next decade.
We must change course.
In the economic arena, we must directly counter abusive Chinese practices in the areas of trade,
intellectual property, and currency valuation. While I am prepared to work with Chinese leaders to
ensure that our countries both benefit from trade, I will not continue an economic relationship that
rewards China's cheating and penalizes American companies and workers.
Unless China changes its ways, on day one of my presidency I will designate it a currency manipulator
and take appropriate counteraction. A trade war with China is the last thing I want, but I cannot tolerate
our current trade surrender.
We must also maintain military forces commensurate to the long‐term challenge posed by China's buildup.
For more than a decade now we have witnessed double‐digit increases in China's officially reported
military spending. And even that does not capture the full extent of its spending on defense. Nor do the
gross numbers tell us anything about the most troubling aspects of China's strategy, which is designed to
exert pressure on China's neighbors and blunt the ability of the United States to project power into the
Pacific and keep the peace from which China itself has benefited.
To preserve our military presence in Asia, I am determined to reverse the Obama administration's
defense cuts and maintain a strong military presence in the Pacific. This is not an invitation to conflict.
Instead, this policy is a guarantee that the region remains open for cooperative trade, and that
economic opportunity and democratic freedom continue to flourish across East Asia.
We must also forthrightly confront the fact that the Chinese government continues to deny its people
basic political freedoms and human rights. If the U.S. fails to support dissidents out of fear of offending
the Chinese government, if we fail to speak out against the barbaric practices entailed by China's
compulsory one‐child policy, we will merely embolden China's leaders at the expense of greater liberty.
A nation that represses its own people cannot ultimately be a trusted partner in an international system
based on economic and political freedom. While it is obvious that any lasting democratic reform in China
cannot be imposed from the outside, it is equally obvious that the Chinese people currently do not yet
enjoy the requisite civil and political rights to turn internal dissent into effective reform.
I will never flinch from ensuring that our country is secure. And security in the Pacific means a world in
which our economic and military power is second to none. It also means a world in which American
values ‐‐ the values of liberty and opportunity ‐‐ continue to prevail over those of oppression and
authoritarianism.
The sum total of my approach will ensure that this is an American, not a Chinese century. We have much
to gain from close relations with a China that is prosperous and free. But we should not fail to recognize
that a China that is a prosperous tyranny will increasingly pose problems for us, for its neighbors, and for
the entire world.

June 2017

S M T W T F S
    123
45678910
11121314 151617
18192021222324
252627282930 

Syndicate

RSS Atom

Most Popular Tags

Style Credit

Expand Cut Tags

No cut tags
Page generated Jul. 25th, 2017 04:47 pm
Powered by Dreamwidth Studios